By Matthew Rendle
Defenders of the Motherland stories how the main strong social teams in tsarist Russia reacted to the demanding situations posed through the Russian Revolutions of 1917. Arguing that elite groups-especially nobles, landowners, and officers-played a massive position in those occasions, Matthew Rendle indicates how the alienation of tsarist elites from the tsar in the course of the First international conflict and their aid for the hot Provisional executive in February 1917 secured the preliminary good fortune of the revolution. Elites engaged actively with progressive politics, serving within the govt and forming unions to advertise their pursuits and assemble wider help. In doing so, they fostered fears of counter-revolution among the reduce social sessions, radicalizing the preferred temper and paving the way in which for the Bolsheviks. even if more and more dissatisfied with occasions, elites weren't exclusively counter-revolutionary and have been faraway from united. A poorly-supported army insurrection in August 1917 validated diversified aspirations for the long run, while as many served the Bolshevik regime after October 1917 as hostile it. The divisions that had existed sooner than 1917, exacerbated by way of the revolution, as a result undermined the White armies' competition to Bolshevism in the course of Russia's civil struggle. however, the Bolsheviks' worry of ''class enemies'' used to be endemic, and their obsession with elimination the hazard that former elites posed laid the principles of the violent and repressive Soviet regime
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Extra resources for Defenders of the Motherland: The Tsarist Elite in Revolutionary Russia
If anything, the entreaties of Mikhail and Rodzianko encouraged Nicholas to send troops from the front to suppress the revolt. Despite qualms about the potential impact of the unrest on these troops, Stavka cooperated. According to General N. I. ¹⁹ It was not immediately, and no other evidence supports Ivanov’s claim. Nicholas’s rejection forced the committee to take a more proactive role, especially as the unrest worsened. ²⁰ The Council of Ministers held its last meeting on the evening of 27 February and formally offered its resignation.
Its twelfth congress was ﬁnally held from 27 November to 3 December 1916, with 126 delegates representing thirty-four provinces (the four who had resigned refused to send representatives and Petrograd did not participate). It was inevitable that political issues would take centre stage, despite some misgivings: twenty-seven provinces wanted the current political situation discussed ﬁrst, whilst another two placed it high on the agenda. For supporters of the Progressive Bloc, Gurko led the attack on the incompetent government and the inﬂuence of Rasputin.
Elites wanted political change and feared for Russia’s future without it, but they were frightened of revolution. Reform could quickly turn into revolution, given the level of popular unrest, and could threaten the authority of the state and the war effort, as well as the position of elites. Therefore, elites only felt able to warn and accuse, whilst pressing for the regime to reform itself. Nevertheless, once revolution arrived in February 1917, the level of discontent with the regime was such that few were prepared to defend it.
Defenders of the Motherland: The Tsarist Elite in Revolutionary Russia by Matthew Rendle