By David Betz
This publication examines how civil-military family members were remodeled in Russia, Poland, Hungary and Ukraine because the cave in of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact in 1991. It indicates how those international locations have labored to reform their out of date militia, and produce them into line with the hot fiscal and strategic realities of the post-Cold conflict international, with new bureaucratic constructions during which civilians play the most important policy-making roles, and with reinforced democratic political associations that have the fitting to supervise the defense force.
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Additional resources for Civil-Military Relations in Russia and Eastern Europe (Routledgecurzon Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series, 2)
Civilian control can reinforce democracy, but civilian control is only one aspect – necessary but not sufficient – of democratic rule. Without a stable and legitimate governmental system and process, the military may interfere in order to protect society from chaos, internal challenge, or external attack – even when intervention may itself perpetuate instability and destroy legitimacy in government. 69 There was a demonstrable need in Eastern Europe to reduce defence spending or at least to obtain more value for money in defence, mainly through downsizing and professionalising the armed forces.
Civilians tended to look to NATO and EU to the detriment of national institutions. To be honest, Hungarian politicians just neglected the military most of the time. 38 In effect, there was a strong tendency amongst Central European reformers to try and simply adopt the forms of democratic civil–military relations without seeking to understand the logic behind them. As a result, reforms were designed without understanding, and they were implemented because NATO required them, not because they were seen as intrinsically necessary.
Whether or not the NATO aspirant states internalised the necessity and rationale for change in their systems of civil–military relations, institutions like NATO provided some objective requirements that could be fulﬁlled, at least formally if not always in substance. In the former Soviet Union states, by contrast, external inﬂuences were negative or ambiguous. Since NATO membership was not an open objective, meeting its criterion was not a major imperative. Moreover, particularly in Russia, Western blandishments about the desirability of civil–military reform were often seen as ‘mentoring, patronising, and arrogant’67 by many in military circles.
Civil-Military Relations in Russia and Eastern Europe (Routledgecurzon Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series, 2) by David Betz