By Frederick Kempe
In June 1961, Nikita Khrushchev known as Berlin "the most threatening position on earth." He knew what he was once speaking approximately.
a lot has been written concerning the Cuban Missile drawback a 12 months later, however the Berlin quandary of 1961 was once extra decisive in shaping the chilly War-and extra perilous. It was once in that scorching summer season that the Berlin Wall used to be built, which might divide the realm for an additional twenty-eight years. Then months later, and for the 1st time in background, American and Soviet combating males and tanks stood arrayed opposed to one another, in basic terms yards aside. One mistake, one apprehensive soldier, one overzealous commander-and the tripwire will be sprung for a conflict which could cross nuclear in a heartbeat.
On one facet was once a tender, untested U.S. president nonetheless reeling from the Bay of Pigs catastrophe and a humiliating summit assembly that left him greedy for tactics to reply. it is going to upload as much as be one of many worst first-year overseas coverage performances of any smooth president. at the different part, a Soviet leading hemmed in via the chinese language, East Germans, and hardliners in his personal executive. With an all-important social gathering Congress drawing close, he knew Berlin intended the variation not just for the Kremlin's carry on its empire-but for his personal carry at the Kremlin.
Neither guy particularly understood the opposite, either attempted cynically to control occasions. And so, week via week, they crept toward the edge.
Based on a wealth of latest records and interviews, jam-packed with fresh-sometimes startling-insights, written with immediacy and drama, Berlin 1961 is a rare examine key occasions of the 20 th century, with robust functions to those early years of the twenty-first.
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Extra resources for Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth
If anything, the entreaties of Mikhail and Rodzianko encouraged Nicholas to send troops from the front to suppress the revolt. Despite qualms about the potential impact of the unrest on these troops, Stavka cooperated. According to General N. I. ¹⁹ It was not immediately, and no other evidence supports Ivanov’s claim. Nicholas’s rejection forced the committee to take a more proactive role, especially as the unrest worsened. ²⁰ The Council of Ministers held its last meeting on the evening of 27 February and formally offered its resignation.
Its twelfth congress was ﬁnally held from 27 November to 3 December 1916, with 126 delegates representing thirty-four provinces (the four who had resigned refused to send representatives and Petrograd did not participate). It was inevitable that political issues would take centre stage, despite some misgivings: twenty-seven provinces wanted the current political situation discussed ﬁrst, whilst another two placed it high on the agenda. For supporters of the Progressive Bloc, Gurko led the attack on the incompetent government and the inﬂuence of Rasputin.
Elites wanted political change and feared for Russia’s future without it, but they were frightened of revolution. Reform could quickly turn into revolution, given the level of popular unrest, and could threaten the authority of the state and the war effort, as well as the position of elites. Therefore, elites only felt able to warn and accuse, whilst pressing for the regime to reform itself. Nevertheless, once revolution arrived in February 1917, the level of discontent with the regime was such that few were prepared to defend it.
Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth by Frederick Kempe